Domenico Losurdo
Nietzsche, the aristocratic rebel from the Italian by Erdmute Brielmayer, ed. and with an introduction by Jan Rehmann, Berlin 2009 (Argument Verlag), 2 volumes, hardback, 1104, p. 98, - Eur
"intellectual biography" Losurdo called his voluminous Work on Nietzsche aptly subtitled. Meaning: The real-life circumstances is largely spared, in the center stands the intellectual development of Nietzsche, and indeed in the context of their time and their historical circumstances. Through this kind of contextualization Losurdos representation is in contrast to the present, marked by the usual post-modern understanding. It is a slap in the face of all attempts to treat them as contemporaries of Nietzsche, whose "experimental", "perspective" could be "ironic and ambiguous" way of thinking are directly related to the present. Losurdo take Nietzsche literally instead. He relates his comments to the story the French Revolution, the rise of the labor movement, the change in mood after 1848, the Franco-German War, the Empire, colonization, or the abolition of slavery in America and determined its (class-even) position. Nietzsche not only represents the interests of the ruling bourgeoisie against the emergence of social democracy but also the interest of a future in order to rule the world fighting against the current middle class, which is sickly in his view of morality, compassion and pacifism and to harmony and the reformist solution social conflict efforts. His aggressive and on the implementation of the "superman" zielende Elitetheorie wird mit dem Begriff des „aristokratischen Rebellentums“ bezeichnet.
Losurdo betreibt Ideologiekritik im klassischen Sinne und bleibt damit – in methodischer Hinsicht – der Marxschen Tradition verpflichtet. Was ihn von den früheren Interpretationen unterscheidet, die der gleichen Tradition verpflichtet sind, ist der überwältigende Materialreichtum und die politische Distanz, mit der er diesen Reichtum ausbreitet. Losurdo hasst das Objekt seiner Darstellung nicht mehr. Die Neugierde und das Interesse der Erkenntnis haben das Interesse der polemischen Verurteilung verdrängt. Darüber hinaus besitzt Losurdo ein Gespür für das Faszinierende an Nietzsches Philosophie und ist bereit, von ihr auch zu lernen. (865 f., 907, 926 f., 926 f.)
Originell ist die Konsequenz, mit der Nietzsche beständig auf Marx bezogen wird, umso mehr, als beide Autoren keinerlei Notiz voneinander genommen haben. Losurdo stellt diese Beziehung über eine dreifache Vermittlung her. Erstens durch die Gegenüberstellung ihrer Stellungnahmen zu historischen Ereignissen und Persönlichkeiten (Reformation und Revolution, Napoleon und Bismarck etc.), zweitens durch den Vergleich ihrer Begriffe (wie z.B. des Begriffs der Ideologie, 436 ff.), ihrer Wertmaßstäbe oder ihrer Antworten auf aktuelle Probleme („soziale Frage“, „Judenfrage“). Drittens wird Nietzsche represented more than his friend-hostility to Schopenhauer and Wagner also as readers and critics of Hegel and Goethe, Heine, and Carlyle, Stirner, DF Strauss, Ranke, Darwin or Duhring: all authors who have read Marx and Engels and criticized. From the contrasting receptions to complete the picture of the two theories and their future prospects. This surprised that the description of phenomena at times, such as history as the objects and class struggle "or the modern wage worker as" wage slaves ", to come in the choice of words into very close. In the classification and appraisal of the phenomena that go way far apart, however.
Following Losurdos interpretation, can often admired the subtlety and sophistication of Nietzsche but ultimately a very simple and solid, also the spirit of nationalism and anti-Semitism inspired cut dichotomies. On one side is the deep, tragic or Dionysian, which is derived from the older Hellenism is placed on the agenda of the recovery of the "German character" (as an educational campaign for the Empire, 1870), on the other side of the superficial optimism of the Enlightenment, the "Serenity," the "mercantilism" and "pacifism", which in Socrates have their ancestors and to the Jews and Christians have found entry into the French civilization (115 et seq.) Thus the birth of tragedy is also a manifesto against modernism, against the German culture is called for strong opposition. The great "Untimely," as Nietzsche sets his life in the limelight, he is not yet. In Losurdos "comparative" perspective, he appears rather as a mirror and voice of all the reactionary tendencies directed against modernity, the European intellectual life of the second half of the century has exhibit.
"Who Nietzsche does ... literally," wrote Thomas Mann in 1945, which is "lost". Postmodernism, Nietzsche's connection to fascism (as opposed to Thomas Mann) are ignored, this sentence has gladly taken and of the "masks" drivelling, behind which the thinker on the stage his true face. Just had one of the most controversial statements of Nietzsche, namely that every higher culture presupposes slaves and the majority of people only the function of tools for enabling elites is not at all "metaphorically", but meant it literally. The Losurdo thereby making it plausible that he refers to the anti-abolitionist discourse, which was conducted in connection with the abolition of slavery in America. (380 ff) Among others, he notes here that Nietzsche Justification of slavery was anticipated in the name of "higher culture" is from Linguet, had dispatched a French critic of the Enlightenment, Marx already in the Theories of Surplus Value.
to distinguish the three stages of Nietzsche, the "metaphysical" (the early work), the "enlightened" (from Human, All-Too-Human) and the "Immoralist (since Beyond Good & Evil), as in Nietzsche literature is common, which sets Losurdo, where he makes a further distinction within the first. In contrast to other interpretations, however, not only theory-immanent features used, but brought new political front lines in the game. Production was thereby acquires particular Nietzsche's disillusionment with the (in his eyes) lost chance of renewal of the Germans during the Second Empire, the (alleged) compliance Bismarck against the Social Democrats and, finally, the shrinking back before the "big politics", the colonies and world domination seeking. The connecting and unifying moment of the three or four periods of development is the renewed at various levels "Revolution criticism" and the design of a social order beyond human rights and ethics of compassion, democracy and Socialism is.
Also new is the light that casts Losurdo to Nietzsche's relationship to the Jews, which he explicitly speak of (culturally motivated) "anti-Semitism" and not of (racially-related) "Anti-Semitism". He distinguishes three "types" of Jews. While pulling Nietzsche attacks on the type of the mob, the moral apostle and resentment-priest and the type of the (subversive) intellectuals and journalists from throughout the work, in the late work that consideration be seen by Jews as representatives of "spirit" and "money "and the defense of the stupid anti-Semitism the upper hand zu gewinnen. Losurdos These dagegen ist: Nietzsches Versuch, die jüdischen Kapitalisten mit den preußischen Junkern zu amalgamieren und seine Hoffung auf eine „europäische Rasse“, in der auch die Juden integriert sind, ist seiner Perspektive auf den bevorstehenden Endkampf um die Weltherrschaft untergeordnet, zu dem die assimilierten Juden ihr Teil beitragen sollen. Selbst seine Abneigung gegen den Hofprediger Stöcker entspringt nicht in erster Linie dessen Antisemitismus. Ausschlaggebend ist vielmehr dessen christlich motiviertes Engagement, das ihn (im Verein mit Wilhelm II. und Papst Leo XIII.) für die Aufhebung der Sklaverei in den afrikanischen Kolonien und die Linderung des Arbeiter-Elends durch Sozialgesetzgebung eintreten ließ. (545 ff)
Losurdos So strong argument against the post-modern "hermeneutics of innocence," so little to convince his arguments against Lukács, who - like Ritter, Hobsbawm, Elias, Mayer and others - Nietzsche as a forerunner and trailblazer of fascism is. It is true Losurdos argument that irrationalism, social Darwinism, eugenics and racial theories, not a German specialty, but in other European countries were just as common and even (as in the case of Gobineau, Dalton, Chamberlain, etc.) were imported from there. But Lukacs also knew that despite his self-imposed focus on Germany the French and English sources and treated irrationalism in express terms as "international phenomenon in the imperialist epoch" was performed. It is also true Losurdos Note that you understand German fascism in its historical circumstances (defeat in World War II, humiliated by the Versailles peace treaty, economic crisis) and not infer the cause from the ideology and the "destruction of reason", but that goes without for a Marxist, but by itself Lukács' intent was not to construct a causal chain from Nietzsche to Hitler, his starting point was rather the astonishment that a sophisticated and educated people, a people that has produced Goethe and Hegel, was able to show vulnerable to the trash ideology of the Nazis. To explain this phenomenon Nietzsche plays with his elite, human breeding, power and extermination fantasies, even as Losurdo glossy occupied a prominent mediator.
not convincingly appears Losurdos rejection of a German "special path" which he described as a diabolical "myth" (608, 812) referred to, which could not even escape the Marxist-inspired history. Not convincing because it really is his whole point of this exceptionalism, the certainly not in the "ideological constellation," but in the historical constellation of Germany lies: in the late development of capitalism, the weakness of the bourgeoisie, the failure of the revolution and the nation-state creation "from above" without democratic legitimacy "from below". Aside from his "comparative analysis" of the reactionary ideology processes, there is merit Losurdos m. , E. precisely that Nietzsche also interpreted as the product of this exceptionalism as well as a contrast to rebel.
Konrad Lotter
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